Thank you! I could guess at Volga-Bulgar and Ryazan, but I had no idea where Iasi or Halych were.

I did do a search through the M2TW forum for maps, but I did not come up with anything that had even province names on it. This one is fantastic. It is just beautiful to look at, aside from being a map.

So this puts you at what, 11 territories now? Not counting taking Halych?

[This message has been edited by SubRosa (edited 12-28-2007 @ 01:15 AM).]

Again, nice one. Glad to see you got to Kiev first. The black sea is a winfall, however

SubRosa: You're welcome. That depends. At that point in my writing I controlled nine territiories with one under siege. But in the game at the time I posted, I controlled twelve with two more on the way; unless I miscounted.

EnemyofJupitor: Thank you. I'm afraid I'm not familiar with the term "winfall" however, but at this point I'm going to assume it's a compliment. Thank you again!

Everyone: Thank you to everyone who has read and/or posted. I'm sorry for the delay, but things have been rather hectic lately. Also, due to the nature of today's update, I've organised it into sections. I'm not quite sure if I like it yet, so your opinion would be appreciated.

---

Chapter Four: The First Polish War (1134 - 1144)

Though this chapter focuses mainly on the First Polish War, one should not let the title fool you; this brief lapse of time was one of many great - and terrible - happenings, many of which were completely unrelated to the war against the Polish. The capture of Stockholm in late 1134, for instance, and the Hungarian invasion in 1142 (see section five). And although the war was a short one, it had many lasting effects on both the Polish and Russian royal families. For example, in answer to the dearth of Generals on the polish front, both Prince Mikhail and Sbyslav Monomakh promoted the upstanding members of the local nobility to royal status. Granted, Sbyslav’s adoptee, while initially adopted to fight the Polish, was instead redirected to other areas where his expertise would be needed, but more on that later.

After Mikhail’s initial success outside of Halych in the Battle of the Hillock in 1134 and the subsequent capture - and sack - of Halych in 1138 (see section one), the war became more of a stalemate, with only a few minor skirmishes south of Halych when the last of the Polish forces were finally driven out in 1141. It also should be pointed out that Ivan, son of Vladimir, in charge of a medium sized all cavalry army was still laying siege to the castle of Thorn until the end of the war in 1142. Disappointed, he returned to Russian lands to fortify the new border. The end of the war came abruptly in 1142 when the Poles announced an alliance with Denmark, long time allies of the Russians, and a truce was called.

Section One: The Battle of the Hillock (1134 - 1138)

The last chapter left off with the confrontation between The Legion and Polish border forces, in which the Polish fled to the relative safety of the outskirts of Halych. This did not daunt Mikhail, however, as he attacked the newly reinforced Polish captain without hesitation.



Although Captain Szczepan of the Border Watch and Prince Zbigniew, governor of Halych, both fought valiantly, they were outnumbered, outclassed, and, thanks to Mikhail’s excellent use of a nearby hillock, outmaneuvered. The only ones which truly gave Mikhail any worries were Zbigniew’s bodyguard, who stood firm even when being shot from all directions by Mikhail’s Kazaks, and were only felled by an all out charge with all of Mikhail’s heavy cavalry. Unfortunately, many of the Kazaks fired into the brawl even when Mikhail had joined in, killing many of their own men. Enraged, Mikhail ordered them to cease fire, and revoked their privilege to fire at will. Mikhail was deeply satisfied with the results, having killed nearly all of the Polish soldiers, and capturing many more, including Prince Zbigniew himself!



But this presented Mikhail with an opportunity he could not ignore. He knew that his country's economy was suffering dearly, and a boost of cash could be just what it needed to get back on it’s metaphorical feet. He also knew that the Polish would be willing to pay a great sum of money for the safe return of their heir apparent. Grand Duke Vladimir ordered that the prisoners be killed immediately, knowing that if they were released they would flee to the now unoccupied castle of Halych. But Mikhail ignored these orders, instead he ransomed the captured Prince back to the Polish for the hefty sum of seven thousand and four hundred gold pieces. This money was used to rebuild the economy nation wide, converting unnecessary castles (such as Helsinki, Vilnius, and later Stockholm) to more profitable cities and towns, and building farms, grain exchanges, and fairgrounds to bring in more money. Although it was a slow process, eventually the Russian economy was turned around, and, for the first time in a long time, the Russian treasury was gaining money, not losing it. This later proved to be only a temporary fix, however, as the Russian military's ongoing wars demanded more and more funds.

Though this act of good-natured defiance garnered respect for Mikhail from the populace and much of the nobility, Vladimir saw it only for what it was: Defiance. Though Vladimir did recognize the desperate need for money, Mikhail’s insubordination was greeted only with disdain by Vladimir and most of his sons, adopted or otherwise, and only managed to deepen the rift between the two brothers.

But it was not long before Mikhail fully realized the logic behind Vladimir’s command. Immediately after Zbigniew’s release, he gathered what forces remained and fled to Halych, firmly shutting the gate behind him. Frustrated, Mikhail and his Legion lay siege to Halych, something which would almost completely destroy the momentum behind the Russian push towards the Polish heartlands. Mikhail’s Legion finally did capture Halych in a rather unremarkable battle in early January of 1138. There were no Polish survivors, and Poland suddenly found itself without an heir yet again.



Section Two: Boleslav and the Polish Skirmishes (1138 - 1142)

Directly after the capture of Halych, it was discovered that there were still many small bands of Polish forces throughout the region, led by the newly dubbed Prince Kazimierz, who had made his base at an old Polish watchtower along with two hundred soldiers, which he promptly dispatched north towards Halych, where Mikhail waited with growing concern. Perhaps this is the reason for Mikhail’s adoption of Boleslav Vasilievich into his line of the family tree. Or maybe it was because Mikhail himself had still produced no male heirs, and he wished to secure his as of now thin branch of the family tree. Whatever the reason, Boleslav Vasilievich had been elevated to royalty, and put in charge of a small portion of the Legion with which to drive the Polish from Russian lands.

Boleslav, thrilled for the opportunity to prove his competence, set off at once to counter the Polish threat. In May of 1139, the Polish intruders met with Boleslav and The Great Legion, Halych Division on the field of battle.




The battle began with the Russian troops on a bluff overlooking the Poles. Boleslav, his infantry, and the Druzhina turned to the right, and advanced down the slope towards the Polish position, where the bulk of the Polish line turned to meet them. The Kazaks, however, attempted to go around the left slope, but were cut off by the Polish Strzelcy (Authors Note: Strzelcy? For the love of god, buy a vowel!) and spent most of the battle skirmishing with them in the nearby woods. Meanwhile, Boleslav and his cavalry were harassing the Polish infantry, having already routed a good many men. The Polish did not react well to this, and ordered their entire army to charge what little infantry Boleslav had been given. Boleslav’s infantry held, however, and the heavy cavalry was able to flank and destroy the Polish, effectively securing victory. The battle continued for a few more minutes before the entire Polish army fled.



Fueled by his victory, Boleslav continued on toward the Polish prince, who fled before him like a coward, and retreated to Krakow, the Polish capitol, to lick his wounds. Boleslav was thrilled to have been put in command of such a force, but his command was short lived, as his troops would soon be called upon to assist in repulsing the Hungarian Invasion. (See section five for more information.)

Section Three: Thorn, and the Danish Intervention (1140 - 1144)

Ivan, last true son of Vladimir, had been put in charge of a relatively large army composed entirely of cavalry in 1132 , which provided the Russian military with a deadly force capable of quickly moving throughout the territory, an essential part of any hit-and-run tactic. In 1140, this was finally put to use against the Polish at the castle Thorn, a key strategic location for the Russian invasion of northern Poland. If captured, Thorn would be made the headquarters for all operations in that area, and would provide the Russians with the ability to train many high quality troops, or retrain any which might need retraining, and serve as a bulwark against the Polish looming beyond her walls. And so Ivan marched on Thorn early in the year 1140, and began the construction of rams for the upcoming assault. But then a realization hit Ivan: He had no infantry. This proved to be a serious detriment to Ivan’s cause early on, but as the Russian treasury began filling up again, it presented Ivan with the opportunity to hire mercenaries, expensive though they were. And so, in the year 1143, this is what Ivan did; he hired two bands of mercenary infantry, but decided to wait another year to begin the assault, hoping to lure the Polish out from behind their walls, as his cavalry would fare much better in the open than they would in the streets of Thorn.

But it was not to be. The Danish, good allies with the Russians, were a simple, peace loving people, and they hated to see their two neighbors fighting. Not only was it bad for trade, the Danish feared that the victor, after having destroyed their enemy, would turn to Danish lands instead. Fearing for their own safety, or perhaps merely trying to end the bloodshed, the Danish called for a meeting between the leaders of the Russians, the Polish, and the Danish when Poland accepted Denmark's offer of alliance. After many hours of argueing and debating, an uneasy truce was called between Russia and Poland.

And so the First Polish war came to a close. Ivan and his army were immediately recalled to Russian lands, where he and his men secured the northern Halych region, and kept a close eye on the Polish, never letting his guard down. Mikhail, still restless after the abrupt end of the war, spent the next several years building up Halych and further securing the Russia-Poland border. Domazhir Ivanov, newly adopted by Sbyslav in Novgorod, had been working his way toward Poland with a small force, but was instead diverted to the Hungarian front where he was needed. Boleslav Vasilievich was stripped of his command and sent back to Halych alone, while the rest of his forces continued south to reinforce Grechin of Pupki. He would later join them, fighting under the command of Grechin.

Though one threat had abated, another was rising to the south; That of the Hungarians, who had recently conquered Bucharest, temporarily negating fears of war with the Byzantines.

Section Four: Expanding the Frontier (1136 - 1140)

Grechin and Vladimir were still pushing south and east, regardless of the affairs in the west, whether it be a war with Poland, or the costly occupation of Stockholm. In the year 1136 Grechin of Pupki, a respected but only moderately talented military commander (or so was the public opinion of the time) lay siege to the rebel held Iasi, under the watchful eyes of the Hungarians, who had had their eyes on Iasi for some time now, and were rumored to have been beaten to the punch by only a matter of months. Unfazed by these Hungarian lurkers, Grechin assaulted and captured Iasi with little trouble.




But it was not until the year 1138 that Grand Duke Vladimir and his son were able to lay siege to a small rebel motte and bailey, having been slowed marching years on end through vast, cruel, uncharted lands, and it was not until Miroslav was sent out to scout the northern lands alone that Bulgar was spotted, though it took many more months for Miroslav to report his success, and nearly another year for Vladimir’s army to find it. Vladimir, upon inspecting his weary men - many of which veterans from the Great Rebellion of 1102 - decided that the best course of action would probably be to starve the rebels to death, or at least until they surrendered. However, only one year into the siege, Vladimir realized his folly - that is to say, that Vladimir’s father, the great Ysevolod, had been killed at Vilnius after having employed the same tactics - and ordered an immediate assault.



Vladimir thought it best to stick to the tried and true Russian method of assault, splitting the army into two groups, and hitting the defenders from two sides. Vladimir took command of the first, and largest, group, putting his nineteen year old son Miroslav at the head of the second group. As the battle began, Vladimir’s archers unleashed a withering hail of arrows from outside the walls. Miroslav had his archers do the same, causing massive casualties for the defenders in the crossfire that ensued. The rebel commander, sensing the imminent defeat, sent a unit of spear militia to defend the walls which Miroslav had just begun battering down. Miroslav concentrated all his fire at the militia and it was not long before they retreated to a side street, which would later block Miroslavs advance to the square. A few minutes later, the walls were down and Miroslav’s forces poured in, and he positioned his archers along the southern wall, where Vladimir’s group had just begun to enter. Miroslav himself, however, continued through the side streets hoping to secure a location at the north side of the square, opposite of where Vladimir would launch his attack. However, Miroslav soon found himself in a fracas with the same group of spear militia he had repulsed earlier. Once again, the militia routed, and Miroslav gave chase.

Vladimir was surveying the situation from a small hill outside the walls, and safely out of range of enemy archers. He was hoping to whittle his opponents down to nothing before he charged in to sweep up what was left and take the square. But much to his dismay - and horror - the young Miroslav and his bodyguard, apparently chasing militia units, came charging and crashing into the square, and was soon defending from not only the entire rebel army at the square, but also sheet upon sheet of arrows from Russian quivers! Vladimir immediately ordered his men to cease fire, but it was too late. Miroslav had been killed, and his bodyguard driven back. Historical reports vary, and it is still unknown whether Miroslav had been killed by the rebels or by his own archers, but to Vladimir it did not matter. Vladimir, disheartened, never ordered a charge. Instead, he let his archers kill the rest of the soldiers, and merely occupied the town.




Section Five: The Hungarian Invasion (1142 - 1144)

The complete reasoning behind the Hungarian Invasion of Russian lands, Iasi in particular, has been lost to the ages, and modern historians are left with only a few clues on which to base any estimates. Most of the evidence was destroyed in a fire which raged through Budapest, the Hungarian capitol, destroying many of the historical records, and most information of this era is garnered through close study of the records of neighboring factions, such as that of Russia and the Byzantines, and to a lesser extent Poland and Venice. James Radcliffe, a noted historian, has surmised that the initiation of a war with Russia was brought on by their apparent success against Byzantium, which had left them both restless and confident when a ceasefire was called, and had acted on a mixture of ambition and possibly jealousy when the Russians captured neighboring Iasi, a settlement that the Hungarians had had their eyes on for some time. Also, the make-up of the relatively weak Russian garrison - less than three hundred men, many of which were mercenaries and poorly trained horse archers - and the unimpressive record of Grechin of Pupki had led the Hungarians to believe that an easy victory would be awaiting them, and had possibly hoped to seek a diplomatic end to the hostilities after Hungary had gotten what they wanted; that is to say, control of Iasi, and respect - or fear - from the Russians. Or perhaps the Hungarians had realized that Russia, or at the very least Grechin, would be unable to launch a counter attack with the troops available, should their plans go awry. The plan was a solid one, if indeed this was their plan, but the Hungarians were not counting on three things: The end of the Polish War, the fighting ability of Grechin and his army, and reinforcements from the nearby Boleslav Vasilievich.

And so, in November of 1142, Captain Vlad of Hungary led his small but capable army north, reaching the town of Iasi later that month, and initiating the Hungarian Invasion. Grechin summarily realized that he was outclassed, and sent word of his urgent need for reinforcements. But even then Grechin knew that reinforcements would not be there in time to save his town or himself, and even as reinforcements were being sent his from Halych, he sallied.




Grechin knew that his main concern would be just catching the enemy, as their fleet horsemen would be very difficult to catch. The nature of his cavalry also presented a problem for Grechin. His heavy cavalry would easily be able to kill the enemy, but were too slow to catch them, and would be worn down from constant arrow fire if they tried. And his Kazaks, though swift enough to catch the Hungarians, could not hold out in melee combat for long, even against other mounted archers. So Grechin was forced to use his heavy cavalry in conjuncture with his Kazaks to stand a chance. So this is what Grechin did. Upon the start of battle, Grechin ran all of his cavalry out through the gates, scattering some of the more timid Hungarians to a safer distance away. He ordered his Kazaks to charge the Hungarian captain, and as they got closer he rode his heavy cavalry up, and was able to catch one of the slower Hungarians, which prompted the captain to charge into the fray. It was not long before the two formations were routed, and Grechin attempted to repeat the process again, but was distracted when some of his foot archers, who had wandered out of the town, were set upon by two formations of horse archers. The brave mercenaries held strong, however, long enough for Grechin to annihilate the Hungarians, and turn his attention to the last group, still being chased by the Kazaks. After a particularly long chase, Grechin was able to catch the Invaders, who fled on impact.



Once again, Grechin was hailed as a hero for his victory, and perhaps the people began to realize his true potential as a commander, admitting that he had more command skill than he had been given credit for. It was at this time that an unfortunate message reached the Russian Royalty: The alliance with the Holy Roman Empire had been broken. It appeared as though the Holy Roman Empire, allies to both Russia and Hungary, had been put in a tough position when the war broke out. The records of the time show that the Holy Romans did not want to be caught up in this war, but having been forced to choose, they chose to side with thier Catholic bretheren, the Hungarians. Understandable reasoning, since Russia and the Holy Roman Empire shared no borders, and Russia would be unlikely to attack unless they pushed through now neutral Polish territory to reach them. Though no insult was intended, nor fist raised, the Russian peoples would not soon forget this act of selfishness. After all, the Russians had offered Princess Antonina’s hand in marriage to King Henry, whose disregard for Antonina was not forgivable in Russian eyes.

The next year, Grechin left Iasi to meet up with the troops so generously donated by Boleslav, leading them to the border in the hopes of taking a more active approach to future Hungarian threats. In the next few years, Hungary sent many small armies into Russian lands, all of them met and destroyed by Grechin of Pupki. Oddly enough, Grechin decided not to take an immediate offensive, perhaps awaiting permission from Vladimir or Mikhail, or perhaps he was acting on intelligence gathered from Russian spies, and was waiting for an opportune moment to strike. Or perhaps he was simply picking a target or a path of advance, for if he left the route to Iasi clear, it would be easy pickings for Hungarians, should they slip past him.

[This message has been edited by A different city (edited 07-05-2008 @ 03:26 PM).]

Great job, you're up to 14 provinces now?

Quoted from A different city:

...I'm not familiar with the term "winfall"...

Well, the term is actually, "windfall" and it means a piece of good fortune. So, it's not even really applicable to the situation.

[This message has been edited by CaesarVincens (edited 01-06-2008 @ 02:08 AM).]

Good fortune in that it can produce a lot of money

Unlucky losing Miroslav like that, but I must admit I laughed when I saw my name Nice one

Well, I've got some good news and I've got some bad news.

The bad news: I am experiencing technichal difficulties. A simple reinstall has failed to resolve these issues, and I fear it will take a while to get the game playable.

The good news: I still have my latest save on my external hard drive. No matter what, I will continue this HSR. It may take a while, though.

EDIT: The game, and the applicable save file, is now working properly. I will finish this. After all, by some miracle, it won the TWH Chaucer Award. I would like to thank everyone who voted for me, and the one who didn't for having the sense to vote for the best.

[This message has been edited by A different city (edited 07-11-2008 @ 00:31 AM).]

That's bitter-sweet news
If you've got problems, try the techie forum

He is back, a different city, but the same aar.

That's right, I'm back! After what must be a record-breaking hiatus, I'm ready to get this HSR rolling again.

I do apologize for the absurdly long delay, but I've been able to get the save working and for the past week I've been playing around with different formats of writing. I don't know if there is even any interest in me finishing this, but I've made you all a promise and I intend to keep it.

Hopefully, the first section will be up tomorrow; this new chapter is longer than my past three chapters put together, so I'll be posting it in sections. Comments, advice, and constructive criticism is, as always, appreciated. Thank you, and I hope you enjoy it!

Awesome Looking forward to it allready

Chapter Five: The Second Polish War, and the Hungarian Menace

Section One: 1144 - 1166

If ever the future of Russian independence was in doubt, it was during this era. Plagued by riots, rebellions, a faltering economy, religious unrest, and not one, but two large-scale wars ravaging the Russian border territories, the Slavic future was an uncertain one. But though these were dark times, heroes did emerge from the blackness; most notably, that of one Grechin of Pupki, former commander of the Smolensk garrison. Grechin was the key general in the war against the Hungarians, and, while not the only one to field troops against the Hungarians, he was the most successful.

The Second Polish War was notably more one-sided than that of the war with Hungary, in that the Polish could never seem to catch a break. Rather than taking the opportunity to rebuild after the end of the first war, which ended in a solemn and altogether uneasy truce, they instead opted to launch another attack against the ever-wary Russians, who were still carefully defending their border. Hoping to catch Mikhail unawares, all they managed to do was nullify their short-lived alliance with the Danes, and bring the armies of Russia down upon them once again. And so, by no fault of his own, the Russian Grand Duke Vladimir found himself at war with two major world powers, making no friends in the Catholic world in the process.

The Second Polish War

Not content to sit back doing nothing while Russia reaped the benefits of the First Polish War, King Wladylsaw ordered the attack on Halych. Shortly afterwards, the troops came marching back, tails between their legs. Poland was now in a precarious position. Their troops were limited, and they had but a handful of territories under their control, whereas the expanse of the Russian Empire was great. Having no other choice, King Wladyslaw, king of the Poles, took up a defensive position against the inevitable counter-attack. Prince Mikhail departed immediately for Krakow, Poland’s last major city and a key defensive position against further invasion, and, on top of all of that, their capitol. Meanwhile, to the north, Ivan, leading a large all-cavalry force, turn back towards Thorn, his objective during the First Polish War. Little did he know, however, that the cowardly Captain Chrosciszko, commanding mostly infantry, lay in hiding along the main road. Before he knew it, Ivan was ambushed.



Ivan, though inexperienced, was easily able to use his army’s maneuverability and speed to defeat that of the cowardly Polish captain., Though he lost many horses in a few prolonged melees, his losses were acceptable, and he continued to Thorn with an increased sense of valor.



Within the next month, Thorn was besieged. Four years later, Ivan’s men rushed the walls, capturing the castle with only two casualties. Sensing the tight financial situation, Ivan and his horsemen ravaged the castle for all the gold it had, pillaging and killing any who resisted. In the years that followed, Ivan would lead many successful hit-and-run attacks against bands of Polish soldiers headed for the Krakow region, using his horseman‘s speed and ability to cover longer distances than infantry. Despite the stable situation in Thorn, however, Mikhail found himself in a bit of a pickle at Krakow. Only one year into the siege, Mikhail’s forces were set upon by the Polish king, King Wladyslaw the Chivalrous, who, in a great feat of maneuvering, managed to escape detection until the moment he chose to attack. Realizing that he was outclassed and outnumbered, Prince Mikhail wisely chose to withdraw, though his weary troops could move but a few miles before Wladylsaw’s men, still fresh, caught up with him near the estate of one Lord Wojciech, a Polish nobleman. Mikhail, due to a lack of options, set up a defensive position there.



Mikhail knew that by staying close to the main building, he could severely reduce the Pole’s maneuverability. He though it best to go with a simple deployment, lining all of his cavalry up in one long line north of the estate, with the heavy cavalry near the walls for more protection from missile units, and the Kazaks at the end, so as to swing around the Polish flank. The Russian Prince decided against using his infantry, thinking they would just slow him down, as he hoped to save them for a later fight in which they might be more useful, so they were deployed out of harms way.



As the Kazaks were scrambling for a good position, Mikhail, leading his heavier cavalry, was desperately trying to pin down the quick polish mounted archers. The slow, but well armored, cavalry was able to trap only one small band, routing them quickly; the rest eluded him fairly easily. Meanwhile, the Kazaks, busy harassing the enemy infantry, saw their chance to strike and took it. Swooping in from a small hill, two of the three groups of Kazaks attacked and successfully routed the Polish catapult crewmen, which drew the Pole’s attention away from Mikhail and toward the Kazaks. As the Polish horsemen launched themselves at the Kazaks, Mikhail, in turn, launched himself at them, sandwiching them between the two groups of horses. This bloody brawl continued until, at long last, King Wladyslaw himself entered the fray. Charging his bodyguards into the backs of the poorly defended Kazaks, Wladylsaw slew many men. However, The third Kazak unit chose this time to charge, ramming into Wladylsaw’s exposed back. Bolstered by scattered heavy cavalry, the Kazaks managed to slay the chivalrous Polish king, but at great cost. The melee was won, and any Polish still fighting fled. Except, of course, for the group of Polish cavalry who had snuck around the brawl and were now terrorizing Mikhail’s infantry. In a hasty attempt to save them, Mikhail ordered an all out charge. The Polish fled upon contact, but not before slaughtering many of Mikhail’s brave men. The battle was won.



Against all odds, Mikhail pulled off a heroic victory, killing the Polish king and effectively ruining a nobleman’s lawn. However, more than half of Mikhail’s forces were killed, and his army was in no condition to continue fighting. And so, reluctantly, Mikhail marched back to Halych to replenish his numbers and heal his wounded. Though it was a victory for Russia, Mikhail’s invasion was halted nonetheless. And, considering the faltering economy, there was severe doubt from the royal line as to Russia’s ability to further carry on such large-scale military operations. Especially not with the rising threat of the Hungarians, whose horsemen could always be seen looming in the distance.

Over the next several years, very few battles took place in Poland; it seems as though they had reached a stalemate. Granted, Ivan still conducted a few hit-and-run attacks, though his targets were usually small, and Ivan felt it unwise to launch a full scale invasion until he knew Mikhail had an army capable of defending against Polish retaliation from Krakow. And so, for a short period, the Second Polish War was, in essence, reduced to a long-distance staring contest.

The Hungarian Invasions

Meanwhile, further south along the border, Grechin of Pupki was frantically staving off one, two, or even three invasions every year! It seemed as though Hungary would stop at nothing short of using their own children as projectiles to lay their hands upon Iasi. But, largely due to Grechin’s tactical awareness, each and every invasion was stopped and slaughtered before sending the survivors to the corner to think about what they did. However, no matter how well he did against the Hungarians, they always managed to kill a few of his men. That was Grechin’s only weakness; the Hungarians could retrain their soldiers at Bran and send them right back. The closest Russian training center was Halych, a good two year’s march away, given good conditions, and usually more. And as Grechin’s army dwindled year after year, somehow, by some miracle, he kept on beating back the Hungarians. That’s not to say that he never received reinforcements, though. No. however, any reinforcements sent would have to travel huge distances in order to reach him. But reach him they did, and, after twenty years of relentless Hungarian invasions, Grechin finally had the troops to launch an invasion of his own. But first, he and his forces must mop up, so to speak, the remaining invaders. This turned out to be a relatively easy feat, as his forces had obtained a huge height advantage from which to shower the Hungarians with arrows, as well as adding to the force of the heavy cavalry charge.





As the battle began, the Hungarian commander, one Captain Vilmos, sent one contingent of Hungarian Noble cavalry around to harass Vasilii Malov, who had been unable to join with Grechin’s main line before the fighting commenced. He was undeterred, however, and continued towards the main line, returning the favor whenever the Hungarians were brave enough to harass him. The remaining Hungarian Nobles retained a semblance of structure at the base of the mountain, peppering Grechin’s men as they raced down the slope. From there, the battle was reduced to a large melee involving nearly all the cavalry on the field. Unable to hold against Grechin’s heavily armored cavalry, the Hungarians fled the field. The prisoners were ransomed back to Hungary for a tidy sum of gold.



Shortly afterwards, Grechin’s men made their first incursion into Hungarian lands, meeting only scattered resistance. In the year AD 1162, Grechin and his ragtag army lay siege to the Hungarian fortress of Bran, which, he assumed, had been unceasingly training mounted archers for raids into Russian lands. As a bonus, Grechin’s sources later informed him that the Hungarian prince was currently leading the fortress’s defending forces. Surely, in Grechin’s eyes, capturing Bran and killing the prince would be the best way to teach the Hungarians a lesson about messing with the Russians, while at the same time giving him a training center of his own, rather than relying on the facilities of Halych, already occupied with Mikhail‘s forces.

Among Grechin’s forces was a number of members of the Russian royal family, previously governors called to battle due to the troop shortage. These included Vasilii Malov, Boleslav Vasilievich, and Dmitrii of Smolensk, Grechin’s adopted son. Their bodyguards would function as the main cavalry unit, and, if need be, the Kazaks could also be used as supporting melee cavalry. In order to cope with his lack of infantry, and using money from ransoms, Grechin hired many mercenary infantry units; Slav mercenaries. Cheap, and poorly trained. They would mainly be used to bait the opposing infantry and cavalry. With his men in place, Grechin began preparing for the assault.

But, as fate would have it, such precautions were unnecessary, as a large Hungarian army arose to meet him from the south, near Bucharest. With the combined forces of Bran’s garrison and the new attacking army, Grechin knew that to stand and fight was to die. However, he also knew that if he could eliminate the fortress’s garrison, Bran itself would be completely undefended. It was a tough decision for him to make, but upon advisement from his closest friends and allies, Grechin chose to back down, hoping for a reenactment of the happenings at Lord Wojciech’s estate. The Hungarians, perhaps enraged by Grechin’s retaliation, took the bait and engaged him once again, this time without the support of their prince.



The Hungarian captain, toting more than four hundred mounted archers, the rest being simple town militia, presumably drawn from Bucharest, chose to attack during a snow storm. Nearly blind, the captain, Captain Vtalyus, led his men forward into a waiting trap. To his great surprise, the Russians, while they had deployed their infantry in plain sight, had ordered some of their cavalry onto the nearby ridge, from which they were now charging. Vtalyus’ men scattered, and soon his army was no more than a disorganized mess [author’s note: As opposed to the organized mess the previous armies had boasted] and the individual contingents were easily pinned down and routed by Grechin’s cavalry. Vtalyus’ infantry was annihilated when, distracted with the Slav Mercenaries, they were flanked by a group of Kazaks. Victory was secured, and soon the entire Hungarian force was fleeing the field. Though Grechin lost many brave men, mostly Kazaks bogged down in hand-to-hand combat, Grechin beat the odds once again, earning him, yet again, an increased reputation. All prisoners taken were later executed, so as not to strengthen the garrison at Bran.



With the main threat safely out of the way, Grechin once again marched on Bran, and this time, he would not be deterred. Knowing that if he were to attempt to starve the defenders, not only would they have enough food stockpiled to last for years, but also that the Hungarians would probably dispatch yet another relief force. He knew he had no choice but to assault.

However, he needn’t have worried in that respect, for just days before the last of the siege equipment was finished, the Hungarian prince sallied, confident in his troops’ ability to repel the invasion, and for good reason. Grechin knew that his army was weakened and badly in need of supplies, capable infantry, and replacement cavalry forces. However, Grechin also knew how to lead such men to victory, and was fully prepared to meet any challenge.



As the mass of Hungarians burst forth from the gates, Grechin ordered his infantry, already gripping the siege equipment in apprehension, to instead form two lines, archers in front and Slavs in back, just out of reach of the tower’s missiles, and had the Kazaks regroup in a small patch of woods perpendicular to the gate, so as to shower the enemy from their right flank as they emerged. The heavy cavalry, meanwhile, was to harass the Hungarian Noble cavalry, which was forming up to their left. Meanwhile, the Hungarian Feudal Knights lead a full out charge at the infantry, and managed to catch a group of archers in close-quarters combat. Grechin did not so much care as to the fate of the Slav mercenaries, but the archers were important. Having already caught and routed a group of missile cavalry, Grechin himself led the charge into the knights’ flank. As a testament to their willpower, there were very few soldiers in the world who could withstand an all out charge to the flank by Russian bodyguards, especially not ones as experienced as Grechin’s. They held for nearly thirty seconds before routing. Those smart enough to run were cut down by Kazaks shortly afterwards. As this was happening, the Hungarian prince had managed to isolate a unit of archers far from the infantry line. Thinking it more important to kill the prince than keep a few more archers alive, Grechin had them about face and attack with their swords as he rushed towards them, with the remaining heavy cavalry following shortly after. Some of the Kazaks, as well, joined the fray, as they were both closer and faster than Grechin’s guards. Before long, Prince Kálmán was surrounded and killed, dealing a severe blow to the morale of his remaining men. Many fled for the fortress immediately, but most - the dismounted feudal knights and what remained of the Hungarian nobles - chose to stick it out and fight. The dismounted knights posed the greatest threat, though they were occupied with the Slav mercenaries. This being the case, Grechin and his cavalry surrounded and engulfed them in a raging sea of horses and pointed objects. They quickly fled, leaving only the few dozen noblemen, who would also run after a short chase. With no more Hungarians left to kill, Grechin claimed his new fortress for the glory of Russia and set about re-equipping his bruised and beaten army. Immediately upon the sacking of Bran, Grechin met a chivalrous knight, and the two became fast friends. The knight later joined Grechin, following him as an ally for many years, offering both advice and companionship. Despite his good fortune and his many victories, however, Grechin was still under an enormous amount of stress and perhaps even guilt, driving him to alcoholism. Always a hearty drinker, his habits shifted into obsession, severely limiting his command ability. [author’s note: -3 stars! Ouch.]

[This message has been edited by A different city (edited 07-11-2008 @ 02:52 PM).]

It's like you've never been away. Love the lawn comment

EnemyofJupitor: Yes, give or take six months or so. Thank you.

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Section Two: 1166 - 1178

Enemies United

With the capture of Bran and Poland’s loss of Thorn, as well as the Russian victory at Lord Wojciech’s Estate, both Hungary and Poland realized that they had seriously underestimated the capability of the Russian military, as well as the leadership abilities of the two great generals - Prince Mikhail and Grechin of Pupki. After a brief meeting between the two nations, it was decided that a more unified front against the Russian’s ever-expanding border might be able to stop them, and possibly even turn the tide of the war for good. Of course, this theory was disproved with the capture and subsequent sack of Krakow in AD 1167 and Bucharest in AD 1179, but nevertheless, the two agreed: It was ally or die. This they did, formally announcing the alliance in late 1166.

The Second Polish War

As previously mentioned, Krakow fell under Russian rule in AD 1167, but in order to better explain the circumstances behind the capture of Krakow, we must first back up a few years. The year: 1160. Ivan had just finished defeating yet another Polish army, this one estimated to be three hundred men strong, when his scouts reported an abnormally small garrison in Krakow. With Mikhail’s troops not quite ready to launch another offensive, Ivan decided to do his job for him - or part of it, at least. Having defeated the men presumably sent to guard Krakow from just such an attack, Ivan lay siege to Krakow uncontested. Four years later, Mikhail, boasting fresh troops, joined him. Ivan, having other matters to attend to in the north, wished Mikhail good fortunes and left for Stettin. The next year, Ivan met with Sbyslav Monomakh, a rebel fighter in 1102 and former governor of Novgorod who was leading a small group of infantry, to form a proper army with which to attack the interior Polish lands - their last line of defense against the determined Russian forces. Three years later, in 1167, Mikhail assaulted the city, which was guarded only by their king and his guards.



Mikhail wasted no time, as their faithful Russian spy - whose name is unknown to this day - had opened the city gates for his comrades. For Mikhail, it was as simple as surrounding them with archers and Boyar Sons and pelting them to death with arrows and javelins, much as his father had taught him. There was no need for a charge - the hapless bodyguards made for excellent target practice to the last man. Mikhail lost four men to stray javelins - only one Druzhina was foolish enough to let himself get caught.



The city was sacked, and the resulting influx of gold was used to help rebuild the floundering economy, especially to increase farming or to improve the condition of standing farms, and to build a small Orthodox chapel in Krakow to convert the unruly Catholic population. As an added bonus, the Russian Council of Nobles was so pleased at Mikhail’s latest success that they gifted to him four regiments of the strongest foot archers available: Dismounted Dvor. Highly regarded as one of the best - if not the best - archers in all the civilized world; capable of firing from a long range and able to hold their own in hand-to-hand combat makes them an invaluable part of any army. Thrilled with this addition to his armed forces, Prince Mikhail had Bolda Zavidov - a recent adoptee - bring them to the front lines, where they may be put to use. He immediately left for Thorn, hoping to get a last jab at the Polish before they were pushed even further back, or before the war ended.



Mikhail, meanwhile, was growing restless. Not content to sit back and let Ivan, his inexperienced - but promising - nephew, do all of the fighting, Mikhail stayed only long enough to ensure that the Polish populous would not take up arms against their new rulers the instant Mikhail left. Mikhail may have rushed this crucial stage, however, as his loyal spy sent him reports of a Polish general who had been hiding in the forested region north of Krakow, and was now on his way north - presumably to fall back to Poland’s two remaining castles. Mikhail would not allow this, and, leaving three spear militia units and an archer militia to guard Krakow, Mikhail raced to cut him off. This left Krakow relatively poorly garrisoned, and the population remained boisterous for years afterwards.



Facing off against an army almost entirely composed of infantry, Mikhail knew that victory would lie in careful maneuvering rather than brute force - but plenty of that, too. Immediately and in a precise manner, Mikhail’s cavalry circled the enemy, pelting the general’s bodyguard with a crossfire of arrows and javelins. Within seconds, many of his men were cut down. Unsure of what to do, the Polish commander hesitated, charging first towards the Boyar Sons, then reversing to launch himself at the Kazaks, then once more at the Boyars, lather, rinse, and repeat, and Przemyslaw found his guards to be horribly undermanned. As the Kazaks diverted their fire to the infantry, who were slowly but surely marching towards Mikhail‘s own measly infantry, Mikhail and the Boyars charged the Polish leader, and had little trouble killing the unfortunate general, leaving Poland with one less royal family member. The Kazaks - being faster than the heavy cavalry - attempted to run down the remaining bodyguards, but, following them a bit too closely, were led into the back of an infantry unit. For those not well versed in medieval Russian military units, Kazaks were not designed for prolonged melee fighting - especially not without support. However, they could sometimes be useful in a flanking maneuver (more to scare the enemy into fleeing than to actually inflict damage) so long as they were not bogged down and forced to fight. This said, the Kazaks were bogged down and forced to fight, and most of the men lost in the battle were lost in the slaughter that ensued. Mikhail and the Boyar Sons quickly arrived to help them, but the casualties sustained were already immense. The Polish fled en masse shortly afterward, and all prisoners were executed, and the depleted Kazaks were sent to Thorn for retraining.



Family Affairs, and Expanding the Frontier

Noting Mikhail’s great success in Poland, Grand Duke Vladimir, already laying siege to the isolated castle Sarkel, sent to his younger brother a congratulatory letter, in which he thanked him for the wonderful work he was doing for the glory of Russia. Mikhail, highly pleased with this letter, finally felt he was getting the respect he deserved. And perhaps - historians reason - Mikhail was also pleased for another reason, for he had now indisputably surpassed his older brother in all areas but rank. Vladimir, it would seem, had fallen into a deep recession and was said to have taken to drinking heavily - especially after the disaster at Stettin in 1170 - but we’ll get to that later. Vladimir had never been a great tactician, though some time after the tragic death of Miroslav, his life took a sharp downwards spiral - taking his command ability and reasoning with it. Pushed to the brink trying to complete his father’s outrageous plan, expansion became the only drive in his life, largely ignoring the populace and even his own family. Indeed, it is said that Ivan had not so much as seen his father since birth. Though they kept in touch by way of letters, over the years Vladimir’s replies became more and more garbled. Vladimir did finally complete his father’s wishes in 1175 when Sarkel sallied against his run-down army. The battle ended in a draw (a testament to his drastically decreased fighting ability [author‘s note: auto resolved. Vladimir‘s “army“ is terrible, and I didn‘t feel like leading it against an all-horse archer force. It gave me good odds, but then gave me a draw.]), and the remaining defenders starved to death. The castle was sacked and plans were laid to convert it to a town. Ysevolod’s ninety five year old plan was complete (with the exception of Caffa, which would be taken later), but at what cost? Vladimir was extremely unpopular amongst the Russian people (well, amongst most people in general, really) and his country had been pushed to it’s limits - constantly striving to appease the unappeasable Ysevolod. The economy was weak, barely supported by sea trade, farming, slave trading, and unceasing conquests. The military was tired, poorly outfitted, and often undermanned. Many regions, such as Iasi, Kiev, and Halych, still had immense religious unrest, caused by a group of roaming heretics coupled with foreign catholic priests. Meanwhile, the newly expanded eastern frontier contributed little to the Russian empire, and was seen by most to be a waste of time and resources. Even Russia’s political standing was rapidly disintegrating, as she was losing allies left and right; whether it be the Holy Roman Empire at the start of the Hungarian War or Portugal after the crusade of 1154, called on Russia’s long-time ally France, whom Vladimir knew would be more useful in a hypothetical war with the Holy Roman Empire than Portugal would be. Indeed, even the most skilled Russian diplomat [author’s note: full influence] must debate for hours to reach a simple trade agreement, and even then it is under just barely acceptable terms. As was plainly obvious, Russia was in a state of disrepair, and Mikhail believed himself to be just the individual to fix it.

This he did largely in part with funding from his conquests in Poland and those of Grechin farther south, using the money to build roads, farms, and generally improve the living condition of the average Russian citizen. In addition, he built chapels and churches in the nearby provinces, using priests to persecute the heretics, and, slowly, the unrest subsided, though there was little to be done about the Catholic priests short of assassination, and it is highly doubtful that Mikhail would have taken such drastic measures. What’s more, Mikhail fully realized the potential of Stockholm and Oslo, sending a number of militia units to aid in the expansion effort, which, until that point, had been indefinitely suspended. Also noteworthy is the building of a cog in the Black Sea, which was later used to blockade the Hungarian port at Sofia. Ask any modern historian the identity of the greatest Russian of the twelfth century, AD, and they are likely to give one of two answers: Mikhail or Grechin of Pupki.

Fortifying Bran

While on the subject of Grechin of Pupki, or, rather, for lack of a better transitionary device, I will once again shift the topic at hand back to the Hungarian war, where Grechin of Pupki, after having built a fort west of Bran to protect against further Hungarian incursions, was given two opportunities to secure the holdings in Hungary.

The first of which was a Hungarian general stuck in Russian lands northeast of Bran. A small Russian cavalry force on it’s way to the frontlines, made up mostly of Boyar Sons, had the opportunity to eliminate him before he could join with any large forces and lead an assault on the forces of Russia. They attacked, and the Hungarian had no choice but to defend himself.



Forced to fight the entire battle uphill, the Russian forces took severe casualties in the fight which followed. However, they eventually managed to kill the Hungarian general, as well as the rest of his army, and the losses taken were deemed negligible, as it was thought that the Hungarian was on his way to meet up with a larger Hungarian force gathering to the southwest. The remaining Russian troops resumed the march to Bran for refitting and retraining.



The second of these opportunities arose directly afterwards, as the Hungarian prince, Prince Abony, nearly combining with the aforementioned gathering force, instead continued on his own towards the Russian border, leaving the army behind. No one is quite sure of his motivation for this, though many historians speculate that he was hoping to scout out a route around the fort blocking his advance, though it is doubtful that any scouting missions would be carried out by a prince - especially without supporting troops. Seeing the opportunity to capture or kill the vulnerable prince, Boleslav Vasilievich and Vasilii Malov departed posthaste.



Prince Abony deployed high up on a mountain, and once again Russian cavalry found themselves fighting uphill. However, Vasilii Malov was able to circle around to Abony’s flank, giving him the uphill advantage. Surrounded, the Prince’s bodyguard melted away, and he himself ran for the hills. Abony escaped, though not without learning a lesson.



Victorious, but having failed to capture or kill the prince, Boleslav and Vasilii returned to Bran, where one of them would get the chance to lead an assault on Bucharest, which had been in planning for years. On the road back to Bran, however, Boleslav and Vasilii met a master archer, who agreed to follow them and help them in their conquests, offering invaluable advice to them both. The next year, Boleslav would be put in command of the force with which to capture Bucharest while Grechin stayed behind in Bran in case any of the belligerent Hungarians should attack and Dmitrii of Smolensk built a fort along the road from Sofia to Bucharest, to protect Boleslav from any relieving forces.

Affairs of State

It should also be mentioned at this point, that Russia was widely considered to be the most advanced faction in the world, which is humorous when one considers the fact that, due to money shortages, research and production was often stalled for long intervals of time. Or, rather, that despite these setbacks Russia had surpassed all other nations, which is a considerable feat, all things considered. As well, Russia’s military was still deemed to be of much better quality than those of surrounding countries.

The End of the Polish Wars

Back in Poland, the devoted unnamed spy, now deep in Polish territory, made two discoveries which could (and did) shift the balance of the war. First, the Polish, after the loss of their capitol Krakow, now controlled only two castles, Stettin and Magdeburg, of which only the former was sufficiently garrisoned. Second, the Polish prince had returned from the unsuccessful crusade of 1154 (more on the crusade later), and he had with him an enormous army, consisting mostly of Crusader Knights, which, with such a large number of them acting in unison, could potentially defeat Ivan and Mikhail if they did not act quickly. Ivan, having already laid siege to Stettin the previous year, knew that he could not risk being caught in the open and, in the year 1170, assaulted. It is important to note that, going into this battle, the Polish Royal Family, having been whittled down by the Russians year after year, now had only two members, King Kasper and Prince Swietopelk, and that the king was currently leading the defense of Stettin. Unless disaster struck and Ivan was to lose the battle, the Polish Royal Family was about to be reduced by fifty percent.



At battle’s start, the two units of Russian Spearmen, newly trained in Thorn, were given their first taste of battle as they manned the ladders and climbed to the walls, which were guarded by woodsmen and peasants. The archer and spear militias, meanwhile, grabbed their rams, one each, in case one should be destroyed by tower fire, and slowly made their way to the portcullis. The cavalry held back, unable to do anything until the walls were captured or the gate breached.

The battle on the walls ended in disaster for the spearmen, as they were bogged down by the infantry and shot to pieces by a combination of archer and tower fire, especially for the formation on the west wall, as it was later attacked from behind by the unit of Dismounted Polish Nobles. The formation on the eastern wall fared better, and a handful even survived to fight later in the battle. Neither of the rams were destroyed, and the spear militiamen waited patiently as the archers battered down the gate. Eventually, they did, and as the gate crumbled the spear militia charged in, surprised to see that the streets were guarded solely by King Kasper and his loyal bodyguards. The cavalry followed shortly after, though Kasper was reinforced by his Polish Nobles before he could be overrun. The nobles gave eventually, and King Kasper was killed, but not before mortally wounding Ivan. As he lay dieing in the streets, it is said that Ivan’s last words were: “Beg Vladimir forgiveness . . . for I fear I cannot.” and died. The remaining defenders were shot down by the Kazaks and the crossbow militia.



At battle’s end, the Polish king and the Russian Grand Duke’s son lay dead side by side. The Russian spearmen had been massacred, and the entirety of the Polish garrison lay dead or dieing. A Russian banner flew over Stettin, leaving Poland only the castle Magdeburg from which to defend themselves. Sbyslav Monomakh, widely known for being noble in rule, took command of the Russian forces, and, true to Ivan’s wishes, begged Vladimir’s forgiveness. Vladimir was heartbroken. His last true son now lay dead. The entire third generation of males born into the family had been killed. However, Ivan did live long enough to produce an heir, and even as Ivan died, his five-year-old son lived to carry on the bloodline.

Sbyslav was no fool; he knew that time was of the essence, and that Mikhail was just outside the province and coming as fast as he could. Sbyslav stayed in Stettin only long enough to ensure the loyalty of the population before departing for Magdeburg, which had already been infiltrated by the clandestine Russian spy. And, just as Sbyslav had hoped, shortly after his departure, Prince Mikhail, with a similarly sized army, arrived in Stettin to secure it against King Swietopelk; the last of his line.

Sbyslav laid siege to Magdeburg in late 1177 and assaulted in 1178. Vastly outnumbered and largely outclassed, the odds of a Polish victory were slim, at best. Having no other stronghold to fall back to, however, the brave men of the Magdeburg garrison knew that if the castle fell, Poland would have nothing left but a field army, useless without a sanctuary or center of operations from which to obtain supplies, orders, soldiers, and information. An entire nation hung in the balance as Sbyslav drew his sword.



The devoted Russian spy, having infiltrated the castle in advance, opened the gates, and Sbyslav moved his infantry up at a run, holding back the cavalry until the infantry had gained a foothold within the castle walls, for the Polish had many spearmen. The Russian spearmen, however, soon had trouble making progress, caught in a stalemate at the gate with the Dismounted Polish Nobles and, later, the Polish spearmen. The Russians were starting to waver, deterred by the sheer resolve of the Polish. However, the tables were turned when the Russian cavalry entered the fray, overwhelming the Polish, albeit with considerable casualties. Only a handful of Polish infantry survived. The Polish Nobles were caught in the streets and similarly decimated, and the last remaining Pole, standing firm in the square, was shot down and killed.





Repercussions

Though Russian casualties were great, the last Polish refuge was successfully conquered and summarily sacked, leaving Poland with no semblance of structure. The Polish, utterly defeated, simply ceased to exist as a nation. King Swietopelk, the kingdom-less king, continued to roam the countryside in dejection, the guilt of his countryman’s destruction lying solely upon his shoulders. Luckily, Mikhail was nearby to relieve him of this burden. Swietopelk was attacked and, after a rather unremarkable battle, killed by Mikhail in 1182, destroying any last remaining trace of Poland as a nation.

Naturally, with the end of the Polish came the end of the Polish Wars, and, for the first time in nearly half a century, Poland fell indisputably under one banner. However, with the great victory came great unrest within the remaining Catholic nations; in particular, the Holy Roman Empire, Portugal, France, and Hungary became increasingly aware of Russia’s potential, and were greatly unnerved by it. The next year, the routine negotiations with the Holy Roman Empire, with which Russia had retained decent relations, took an ominous turn as a simple offer of maps devolved into a heated argument, quickly escalating to legendary proportions; After back-and-forth shouting, the Imperials laid forth their ultimatum, “For these insults, we demand payment. Your words have offended us greatly; you will give to us a sum of one thousand gold, or we shall send our armies to collect retribution.” The Russian diplomat Mixail, having already appeared in that very court many times with pleasant outcomes, was both astonished and infuriated. He refused. In return, he offered an ultimatum of his own, and, famously, declared the same in much simpler, or perhaps more bold, prose: “Empty your coffers to us or face our wrath.” The Imperials, of course, spurned his offer, forcibly removing him from the court soon afterwards. Fearing for his life, and with grave news to share, Mixail left the Holy Roman Empire and sent word to Vladimir and Mikhail of the Imperial‘s threats, and, in turn, Mixail‘s promise.

Great update and looking forward to the next.

Can't wait

stormer: Thank you, and I apologise for the delay; a storm took out our cable for three or four days. We just got the internet back, as well as television and phones.

EnemyofJupitor: My apologies for the wait. But wait no more!

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Section Three: 1178 - 1204

The Holy Roman Empire

At this time it would be worthwhile to divert from our topic of interest so as to shed more light on the state of the Holy Roman Empire. It was widely known throughout Europe (though unknown to Mixail) that the Holy Roman Empire - while it’s military was large - albeit poorly trained and it’s territories wide-spread - was extremely poor. Perhaps due to it’s large armies and central position, i.e. lack of naval trade, the Holy Roman economy had long been on a sharp decline, a problem which was not in any way abated by it‘s two main allies- Hungary and Russia - going to war. Sandwiched between the French to the west, the powerful Venetians to the south. The faithful Hungarians to the east, and the ever-growing Russians to the north and, later, the east, The Holy Roman Empire had little room to grow, and, with an absurdly inadequate economy, was not able to do anything but sit and wait for an opportunity, using it’s large - and expensive - armies to scare off potential invaders. And so, when analyzed, the diplomatic nightmare previously mentioned was instead more of a misunderstanding; Mixail asked them for money they didn’t have in return for maps they didn’t need, with no ill intentions, and was insulted when they, in turn, asked for money. From there, the conflict avalanched out of control. Soon, Vladimir found himself preparing for another war; but more on that in the next chapter.

The Capture of Bucharest

Boleslav Vasilievich assaulted Bucharest in 1179, capturing and sacking it with moderate casualties. Unfortunately, no records of the battle exist today, though there are records remaining of the training, recruitment, and retraining of soldiers at Bran, which shows an increase in retraining shortly after Bucharest’s capture, which indicates that Boleslav lost quite a bit of men. However, it seemed to have done the job, as losing Bucharest dealt a powerful blow to Hungary, in resolve if nothing else; in the span of time leading up to and directly following the capture of Bucharest, many medium-sized Hungarian armies were seen mulling about at the border, never quite making a move towards Russia. The weakened resolve of the Hungarians is best shown in a small force which was previously seen outside of Bran, apparently originating from Budapest, which, when Bucharest was besieged, moved instead towards Bucharest, only to stop at the sight of Dmitrii’s fort guarding the road. While the two forces never engaged, Dmitrii seems to have accomplished his goal, for after Bucharest’s capture the Hungarians turned away, and later rebelled against the Hungarian crown, taking up arms against their brethren in protest of Hungary’s action - or lack thereof.

Four years later, Bános, a Hungarian general, was spotted at the Hungary-Russia border, at the exact place where Prince Abony was defeated by Boleslav Vasilievich and Vasilii Malov, leading the largest Hungarian army to ever raise arms against the Russians. This threat did not go unnoticed by Grechin of Pupki, who began training more men, particularly Dismounted Dvors, for the seemingly upcoming showdown. Grechin’s spies, while scouting the Hungarian interior, reported that, while Sofia was still well guarded, Budapest was not, stating that the garrison was tiny, and would be incapable of repelling any sort of formidable force. So Grechin sought to cripple the Hungarians by capturing their capitol and only remaining city before turning to the fortress to the south, Sofia. But first, he had to face Bános. Bános, however, was more intuitive than Grechin previously believed and, sensing Grechin’s intentions, retreated to Budapest, with Grechin hot on his trail.

Expanding the Frontier

The reinforcing troops sent to Stockholm arrived in 1180, and, leaving behind some militia, continued to Oslo, still unclaimed by the Danes - no doubt thanks to the Russian fleets active in the area. Along the way, however, the leader of the Russian forces, Captain Buiakov, encountered a band of rebels who had evaded detection until this point. Buiakov, leading three Dismounted Dvors, some spear and crossbow militia, one merchant militia cavalry formation, and two formations of Kazaks, engaged and destroyed them. For his bravery and cunning, and noting the lack of any significant military leader in the Stockholm region, Captain Buiakov was elevated to the status of nobility. Yuri Buiakov erected watchtowers in Stockholm to alert him to the presence of any more hostile troops and resumed the march to Oslo.



Oslo was besieged the following year, and the defenders had no choice but to sally in 1197.



Using his superior missile and cavalry units, Yuri was able to pull off a victory, securing Oslo for Russia a belated sixty one years after the capture of Stockholm. Regardless, it was a great victory for Russia, as any movement to expand the frontier was greeted with appreciation by the Russian peoples. Yuri was thanked for his efforts, and remained in charge of the forces in Oslo and Stockholm, as there were more rebels near Stockholm with which he needed to deal.



Meanwhile, Vladimir was continuing to expand, but, having no more lands to the south to conquer - unless he was willing to start a war with the Turkish - Vladimir instead turned to Caffa. While Vladimir himself could not get there until 1188, he sent a lone unit of Kazaks ahead to scout out the garrison and, if possible, begin the siege. They arrived in 1185, and, in 1186, the garrison, made up of one archer militia, one town militia, and one unit of Slav Levies, sallied against them. Through careful maneuvering, using terrain to their advantage, and alternately charging and shooting, the Kazaks managed to obliterate the archers and Slav Levies, however, they eventually ran out of arrows and were killed by the tired town militiamen, though they lost nearly all of their men. It was a close defeat for the Russians, and one of the very few losses to date for Russia, most, if not all of which were naval losses. The Kazaks fought bravely, but they were simply too few.



The bulk of Vladimir’s forces captured Caffa with little trouble in 1188, the Kazaks having sufficiently weakened the garrison in the previous battle.




The townspeople proved resentful, however, of the Russian occupation. Especially when Vladimir was forced to leave on short notice due to scattered reports of a possible Turkish invasion near Sarkel, a wall-less town. Unable to risk losing Sarkel, Vladimir departed, leaving only a skeletal garrison consisting of five light cavalry mercenaries. Caffa revolted in 1197, overwhelming the five mercenaries and declaring independence. Caffa was the first territory ever to be lost from Russian grips since the rise of Grand Duke Vladimir, and the news was greeted with disdain from all of Russia’s leaders, especially Grand Duke Vladimir. Sadly, however, it was unavoidable, as Vladimir knew he would need all the troops he could get were the Turks to invade. Sarkel itself was hastily converted to a castle in order to provide a better defensive position and the castles Ryazan and Smolensk began an immense training program in preparation for war. More on this later.

The Capture of Budapest

When last we left off, Grechin was chasing Bános through the Budapest region, intent on destroying the last remaining major Hungarian field army. However, Grechin soon found another opportunity to strike fear into the hearts of the Hungarians, as his chase led him past a poorly defended Budapest, the Hungarian capitol. It seems the Hungarians had sent everything in Budapest under Bános’s control, hoping to field a large enough army to finally defeat Grechin and recapture their lost lands. This was the last invasion planned by Hungarian forces, and it failed miserably. Grechin assaulted Budepest immediately, abandoning his chase of Bános in lieu of this greater target. Luckily, Grechin’s spies were able to infiltrate the city and open the gates for his men from the inside, and, after a short scuffle, Budapest was captured and summarily sacked by Grechin’s forces in 1188.



No records of the assault have survived, though it is known that Grechin’s losses numbered in the twenties - a small price to pay for a city such as Budapest. [author’s note: Auto-resolved, and I forgot to get a picture of the victory screen. Sorry.] Initially, the inhabitants were rather compliant, though as Grechin himself departed nearly four years later, the population became unruly. Grechin could not be bothered to waste any more time there, however, and neither could he spare any troops to keep the peace, so militia was sent from nearby Krakow to reinforce the garrison while the citizens were subdued.

With Budapest secured by Russian forces, Hungary found itself in control of only one small territory - a sliver of land between Bran and the lands formerly belonging to the Byzantine Empire, dominated by a large stone fortress - Sofia. However, Hungary was still in control of a large army near Budapest, led by the incompetent Bános, as well as a small field army near Bran, led by Jakab. In addition, a medium sized garrison presided over Sofia, led by the infamous István and the Hungarian king. In order to cripple Hungary’s remaining military, first Grechin had to deal with Bános, now the Hungarian prince.

The Hungarian Princes

Prince Bános, headed east towards Sofia or perhaps Bran, was caught and engaged by Grechin of Pupki in late November of 1190. Bános had no choice but to stand and fight, and, noting the even numbers, he knew that if he could pull off a victory, the Russian military in Hungary would be crushed. The odds were against him, however, and he knew that his chances were slim, as his forces were nearly entirely infantry, with the exception of his own bodyguards.



Indeed, Grechin’s forces had little trouble surrounding and destroying Bános’s men, as it was a simple matter for Grechin to pepper the Hungarians from the flanks and, thus weakened, engulf and destroy them with heavy cavalry. The results were disastrous for the Hungarians, as their largest and most well positioned field army was utterly destroyed and their prince killed. The survivors were taken prisoner and offered back to Hungary for a small sum of gold, but, unfortunately, the Hungarians lacked the funds to pay, and were forced to reject.



The next Hungarian in line for the title of prince was Jakab, who was in charge of a small force at the Hungarian’s western border. With the death of Bános and the destruction of the last major Hungarian field army, the Russians set about destroying the last minor Hungarian field army, last known to be under the command of Prince Jakab. Dmitrii of Smolensk, in charge of the nearby fort in Bran, was the closest commander, and was thus assigned to the task. Four years after Grechin‘s victory over Bános, Dmitrii gathered his forces, mostly cheap mercenaries never intended to be used offensively, and attacked.



At first, the battle went well for Dmitrii, as he had a major height advantage and infantry superiority. Dmitrii set his archers up on the mountainside and had them shoot at the Hungarian Nobles while the Kazaks went around the flank of the infantry. Dmitrii then ordered his infantry, Slav mercenaries, to charge the Hungarian infantry while he and his bodyguard executed a flanking maneuver. The Slavs charged and held, and Dmitrii had little trouble flanking the Hungarians. They refused to break, however, and Dmitrii himself was soon flanked by the Hungarian Nobles, having underestimated their hand-to-hand skill. Things soon turned sour for the Slav mercenaries when , initially faring well against the Hungarian infantry, they were flanked by Prince Jakab himself, and threatened to break. In response, the Kazaks charged Jakab’s flank, though they fared poorly against the heavily armored horsemen. Even as the Hungarian infantry finally broke and ran, the Slavs were still in great peril. Dmitrii himself was soon freed from the Hungarian Nobles as they broke off to chase away his archers, though his bodyguard did little to deter Jakab, who was filled with bloodlust over Hungary’s many losses in the war. The brave Slavs never did break, instead fighting to the last man. The Kazaks soon gave way and ran, and Dmitrii’s bodyguard, weakened and tired, were worn down. Dmitrii ordered a tactical withdrawal before he himself was killed, though all that remained of his forces were two of his bodyguards and a few routing Balkan archers. In the end, only Dmitrii and his two bodyguards escaped, though the prisoners were ransomed back to Russia and were later honorably discharged. It was the first and only loss in the Hungarian war, and Dmitrii returned to his old fort. Though he had lost the battle, he did manage to kill much of Jakab’s forces, and aside from the Kazaks and bodyguards, all men lost were mercenaries. [author’s note: Two losses within thirty minutes? Maybe I should take a break.]



Dmitrii’s fort was abandoned in 1198, as there was no need for them anymore since the Hungarians were (rightfully) deemed incapable of further invasions. Dmitrii became governor of Bran, and oversaw the retraining of Grechin’s troops for his last assault on Hungary. Dmitrii, utterly ashamed, stayed behind as a sort of self-inflicted punishment.

The End of the Hungarian War

Grechin, on the other hand, was determined to end the war. Having retrained his army at Bran, Grechin was prepared to meet and defeat the Hungarians at Sofia - their last remaining castle. Grechin besieged Sofia, oddly enough, on the same day the wheelbarrow was invented in the year 1200. Sofia was assaulted the next year.



The battle was fairly routine, with Slav mercenaries leading the assault and the Russian cavalry following shortly after to back them up. As was usual for Russian forces, many casualties were taken in the brawl at the gate, but once the gate was won the Russian missile units - led by the esteemed Dismounted Dvor - had little trouble eliminating the remaining defenders. In a last ditch attempt to preserve his nation, the Hungarian king charged the Boyar Sons. The Boyars did not flinch, however, and after a brief scuffle the king was driven back and Sofia was captured.




Much as King Swietopelk of Poland outlived his own country, Prince Jakab remained obstinate, hiding out in the exact spot at which he had driven away the Russians seven years earlier. The Hungarians were wiped from the face of the earth, and their remaining forces - those under Prince Jakab and a few fleets in the Black Sea - presented no real threat to Russia. Finally free of the Hungarian menace, Grechin of Pupki hoped to settle down for a while and build up the recently conquered territory. Through the destruction of the Hungarians and the many heroic defenses of Russia’s borders, Grechin had earned himself quite a reputation, and was now widely considered to be more astute and cunning on the battlefield than his adopted father, Prince Mikhail; a great accomplishment, considering Mikhail’s great military success and Grechin’s sever alcoholism.

World Affairs

Although many great and terrible things happened around the world from 1144 to 1202, only a few of them had any lasting effect on Russia, the first of which being the crusade called on Toulouse in 1154. Having been excommunicated by the Papacy years before, and having many enemies in the Catholic world, it was not at all surprising that a crusade was called. It is, however, surprising that, of the many European factions to join the crusade, Portugal was among them, breaking the Portuguese-French alliance. Vladimir now had to choose a side in the fighting: Portugal, Russia’s allies and trading partners since 1145, or France, Russia’s ally since 1132. The choice was a simple one, and Vladimir, as well as all of Russia, was forced to side with France, as they had better relations and trade opportunities, as well as a better strategic position should Russia come into conflict with the Holy Roman Empire (See Chapter 6). Needless to say, Portugal was not pleased. The second event of note was the complete destruction of Russia’s long-time trading partner, Spain, in 1178. This came as a complete shock to Russia, as Spain was known to have a strong hold on the Iberian peninsula as well as small holdings in France. However, it seems as though the Spanish royal family was systematically wiped out by both Portugal and the Moors. For more information on the destruction of Spain, refer to the superb historical document Spanish Imperium by S. Heart, which details the rise and fall of the Spanish and their wars with the Moors and Portugal. The third and final noteworthy event was the Jihad of 1158, called on Constantinople. The Jihad was successful, and Constantinople was captured from the Byzantine Empire in 1198 by the forces of Egypt, dealing a crushing blow to the Byzantines. This, in turn, destroyed Russia’s hopes of trade with the Byzantine Empire, and may well have dealt the killing blow to the Byzantines altogether, as it is widely known that they never fully recovered. This left Russia as the dominant Orthodox faction in Europe, and, now neighbors, a trade agreement was soon struck with Egypt.

The Sarkel Incident

The Sarkel Incident, as it is often called, is perhaps one of the more intriguing and comical of the events in this time period. It all began, so to speak, with the capture of Sarkel in 1174, thus opening a border between the lands of the Turks to the south and Russia to the north. It seems the Turks had long been planning, quite logically, to expand further north from Tblisi, their northen-most province, which would make Sarkel a prime objective. The diplomatic situation between Russia and the Turks had always been a precarious one; from the rejected proposal of alliance in early 1180 to the Turkish-Hungarian alliance of 1192.

Let me preface this by stressing once again how utterly barren the lands around Sarkel and Bulgar truly were. Settlements aside, all one could expect to find in these regions were a few farms and a group of heretics. That said, the Turks saw no real reason to send any sort of preliminary or scouting force, as it would be highly unlikely to find anything worthwhile and the scouting forces could be better used elsewhere. Instead, the Turkish saw fit to cut to the chase, so to speak, and dispatched a moderately sized army for Sarkel. A lonesome Russian priest, the only one nearby to combat the numerous heretics, happened to be south of Sarkel at the moment, and witnessed firsthand the Turkish incursion into Russian lands. Terrified, for he knew that Vladimir and his army were away in Caffa, the priest sent urgent messages to all nearby settlements and castles, including Caffa, urging them to, “Direct any nearby soldiers to Sarkel immediately, for the Turkish have invaded!” Hearing of this, Vladimir did so, immediately departing Caffa with all but five of his men; all he could spare. Meanwhile, the captains leading the nearby castles of Rayazan and Smolensk began rapidly training troops and sending them off to Sarkel. Seeing as how there was a large distance to cover, only cavalry were trained, with the exception of a few regiments of Dismounted Boyar Sons from near Novgorod. Even then, though, it would be impossible to reach Sarkel in time to save it. To make matters worse, due to an inadequate garrison, Caffa revolted not long after the departure of Vladimir. The garrison of Sarkel itself, however, could do little but erect a Motte and Bailey and hope for the best.

The Turkish arrived at Sarkel in 1199, long before even Vladimir could reach them. But then, when the situation was at it’s bleakest, a miracle: The Turkish forces, seeing a Russian flag flying over Sarkel, turned and marched back towards Turkish lands! Apparently, the Turkish intelligence of the time had been so inept as to believe Sarkel to be rebel held, thinking it an easy steal. However, when the Turkish commander discovered a Russian garrison, he knew he had been sorely mistaken, and had unknowingly cost Russia thousands of gold and a frontier settlement. Embarrassed, he departed as quickly as he had arrived. Grand Duke Vladimir was seething. Gathering his new forces, he followed the Turkish all the way back to their lands, right on their heels the entire time. According to the journal of his second in command, he had seriously considered attacking them anyways, but decided against it; it had cost Russia enough to deal with this pseudo-invasion. The Turks officially left Russian lands in 1204, and Vladimir erected a fort in the mountain pass through which they traveled to deter any further intrusion.

Hey Dude, I pretty much joined the forum to be able to comment on a few of the stories, this one being my favourite, keep up the good work and I cant wait for a further update.

I love the Sarkel Incident. A great explanation for how the AI inexplicably invades, then turns around and walks back home when it sees a sizeable garrison in the city it was thinking of attacking.